2016年5月21日 星期六

華郵:美國應放棄一中與台灣建交



(Ajin 開口)

超級寶貴的極品大禮物!

山姆叔叔,感謝很大啦!

只要這一步棋呈現了,那時文明的世界秩序才能在西太平洋落實,整個東亞就自然走向永久性和平。





《華郵》專欄:美國應放棄一中與台灣建交



美國《華盛頓郵報》今天刊出一篇專欄文章呼籲,美國應該拋棄「一個中國」原則,並與台灣建交恢復關係。(圖擷自華盛頓郵報官網)
2016-05-19  10:36
〔即時新聞/綜合報導〕明天就是520總統就職典禮,準總統蔡英文將正式成為台灣第4位民選總統。美國《華盛頓郵報》今天刊出一篇專欄文章呼籲,美國應該拋棄「一個中國」原則,並與台灣建交恢復關係。
專文呼籲,在軍事、經濟與外交上強化與台灣的關係絕對符合美國利益,與台灣建交是一件正確的事。(資料照,記者羅沛德攝)
今天《華盛頓郵報》專欄文章〈該是拋棄「一個中國」與台灣建交的時候了〉,內容提到 ,台灣已政黨輪替3次,是個正常的民主國家,但美國與台灣的關係卻不正常。因為美國現在還是困在197080年代的冷戰思維,但時代早已不同,就連古巴都已跟美國復交,唯獨漏掉台灣。
內文更提到,台灣在「自由之家」(Freedom House)報告中被評為「自由」國家,人權自由的評分都獲得高分。且台灣是美國第9大貿易夥伴,加上位處東亞「第一島鏈」的重要戰略位置,可削弱中國海空軍進入太平洋威脅美國的能力。
最後專文更說到,美國至今仍不放棄虛幻的「一個中國」原則,但台灣人早就對統一不感興趣,雖然美國和台灣建交會與中國產生緊張,但若不支持台灣,與中國的關係也不會好轉。文末呼籲,在軍事、經濟與外交上強化與台灣的關係絕對符合美國利益,與台灣建交是一件正確的事。


英文原文:


Its time to ditch the one China fiction and normalize relations with Taiwan

Taiwanese president-elect Tsai Ing-wen in New Taipei City on March 18. (Tyrone Siu/Reuters)
By Gary Schmitt May 18 at 7:10 PM
Gary Schmitt is co-director of the Marilyn Ware Center for Security Studies at the American Enterprise Institute.
On Friday, Tsai Ing-wen will be sworn in as president of Taiwan, having won by 25 percentage points over her nearest competitor. In addition to being the first woman to hold the office, Tsai will be the fourth president selected by popular vote. Her inauguration will also mark the third time the presidency has been passed from one party to another. By virtually any reasonable standard, the Republic of China has become a normal democratic country. Yet its relationship with the United States is anything but normal.
Indeed, if you were to try to explain Washingtons Taiwan policy to someone from another planet, you surely would get a puzzled look. Largely shaped by decisions made during the 1970s and early 1980s, during a completely different strategic era and at a time when Taiwan was a one-party state with pretensions to someday rule over all of mainland China, Washingtons policy is a relic of a bygone era. It seems we can bring Cuba in from the cold but not Taiwan.
Typically, U.S. policymakers see Taiwan as a problem. But the nation has a number of qualities that should make it a contributor to the United States strategic position in Asia. First, it has become a model of democratic governance. Taiwan is deemed free by Freedom House and gets high marks for its level of civil and political rights. Second, it remains an important economy, the United States’ ninth-largest trading partner and home to some of the globes most innovative companies.
Third, if the United States pivot to Asia is to be taken seriously, then Taiwan, an island nation sitting astride vital sea-trade lanes and between two U.S. allies (Japan and the Philippines), can hardly be ignored. An intelligent defense plan would help build Taiwan into a key link in East Asias first island chain, lessening the ability of Chinese air and naval forces to move into the broader Pacific and threaten U.S. forces at sea and on Guam.
The United States policy toward Taiwan remains stuck in neutral because of a reluctance to put aside the fiction of one China: the idea that both the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China claim sovereignty over both the Chinese mainland and the islands of Formosa, Kinmen and Matsu. The people of Taiwan have made it quite clear they have neither the ambition to rule the mainland nor even any inclination to unify with the PRC under the rubric of one country, two systems. To the contrary, polls consistently show that the percentage of Taiwanese who identify as exclusively Chinese has dropped to single digits a trend that is no doubt generated and deepened by every election with the practice of self-rule.
Nor is there any appeal left to the one country, two systems formula, originally proposed by the PRCs Deng Xiaoping in the early 1980s, by which Beijing would exercise sovereignty generally but allow areas such as Hong Kong and Taiwan to retain their distinct political and economic systems. Putting aside the fact that this formula was barely conceivable even when Taiwan was still a one-party state like the mainland, Hong Kongs increasingly unhappy experience since falling under PRC sovereignty in 1997 has eliminated any confidence among Taiwanese that Beijing would keep its hands off the islands democracy.
During her campaign and time as president-elect, Tsai has made it clear that she has no intention of roiling the waters with the PRC by pushing forward with an explicit claim of independence. But there is little doubt that a U.S. policy to further normalize relations with Taiwan would increase tensions with Beijing. Even now, the PRC is once again in the business of trying to coerce Taipeis few remaining partners into abandoning diplomatic ties with Taiwan, and attempting to use the one China principle as a condition for Taipei participating in meetings of U.N. institutions, such as the World Health Organization.
However, it is an illusion to think there is a way forward that does not involve tension with the PRC. As the past few years of Chinese behavior have made clear, strategic competition is inevitable and is understood as such in Beijing. The only question is whether we use all of our assets or fail to, as the Chinese employ all of theirs.
Answering this question is all the more urgent in light of the more assertive and ambitious policies of Chinas current leader, Xi Jinping. Failing to support Taiwan will not ease tensions but only invite greater instability and uncertainty among allies and potential allies in the region.
It is in the United States interest to strengthen ties with Taiwan militarily, economically and diplomatically. Given Taiwans democracy, it is also the right thing to do.



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